Speech archive for OCTOBER 2005
Each speech listed here is an edited speech. If you'd like to see the speech or debate in full, please go to the Oireachtas website and click on "Seanad Eireann" and then "Seanad Debates" and click on the relevant date as listed with each speech on this page.
Ferns Report (26/10/05)
Childcare Services (26/10/05)
The Media and the Death of Liam Lawlor (25/10/05)
Ferns Report (20/10/05)
Lawyers and the Residential Instituitions Redress Board(RIRB) Charges(20/10/05)
Fisheries Protection - Owenmore Fishery, Clahane, Co. Kerry (19/10/05)
PIAB and the Law Society (19/10/05)
Salmon Fisheries (19/10/05)
European Union Statements (13/10/05)
Food Industry Debate Request (13/10/05)
Environmental Debate Request (12/10/05)
Marino College (12/10/05)
"Illegal" Irish - The Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act (11/10/05)
Traffic Management - Clare Street Initiative (11/10/05)
Corrib Gas Field (06/10/05)
Northern Ireland Statements – Post IRA Arms Decommissioning (06/10/05)
Irish Ferries (06/10/05)
Irish Ferries (05/10/05)
Ferns Report
26/10/05 - I know a priest who was editor of a clerical magazine and who was sacked by the hierarchy because, in 1989, he wanted the magazine to introduce a debate on clerical child abuse. For his sins he was cast to the furthest part of west Mayo where he is still a curate. I recall being in the office of the then Minister for Education and the current Leader of the House, Senator O’Rourke, and battling against the pervasive influence of the Knights of St. Columbanus in attempting to secure the introduction of the Stay Safe programme in Irish primary schools.
Following each of the horrible cases in Kilkenny and Mayo, I and my Independent colleagues proposed motions in the House urging the House and the Government to support the concept of mandatory reporting. Our proposals were refused and such reporting has not been introduced. In the 1960s and 1970s the current Pope, as head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, issued an edict of omerta to the Catholic Church authorities in every diocese in Europe advising them how to deal with cases of clerical abuse. They were bound to silence. Such matters would be dealt with through Canon Law. If they broke the silence on the information they received, and it was not received in the confessional, they would be automatically excommunicated. Even victims who broke that silence were threatened with excommunication. What influence or impact did that have in every diocese in this country? This must be examined. It is outrageous that it must be done.
I am grateful Senator Brian Hayes considered this report in detail. I could not do it. I found it nauseating and sickening. I could not cope with one story, in particular. A young child, in the course of preparing for confirmation, was abused by a priest in the confession box. She told her parents and her parents acted immediately by going to the gardaí and the bishop. The matter was investigated. The parents pleaded with the bishop not to allow that priest anywhere near the confirmation ceremony but on the day, the priest swaggered into the church with the bishop by his side. That was appalling.
Two years later that child unfortunately died suddenly. The parents made one request, that the child abuser not officiate at the funeral ceremony. However, he insisted on doing it. Those parents, believing in their faith, had to sit in their church and watch the man who abused their child say prayers over her body before she was consigned to the grave. If it had been my child, I believe I would now be serving time.
Part of me believes that the sooner we discuss this, the better but, on the other hand, perhaps we should wait a little because it is too raw at this stage. We need to know how we should proceed with issues such as Stay Safe programmes, mandatory reporting, the impact of the Catholic Church and the impact of groups such as the Knights of St. Columbanus. That group, apparently, had some impact on why the case I mentioned and eight similar ones that occurred on the altar of that church were not investigated. It is appalling.
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Childcare Services
26/10/05 - All Members can confirm what they hear on the ground concerning childcare in terms of the number of people who cannot afford child care or whose bills and invoices demonstrate that their child care costs are greater than their mortgage repayments. This is a common occurrence at present. I will put six points to the Minister which I will then develop.
The first point, which arises all the time is that one Minister and one Department should be the prime movers in respect of this issue and should deal with this area. The idea whereby responsibility moves between the Departments of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Health and Children and Education and Science, with one playing against another, does not work. The Minister has informed me, both publically and privately, that he does not have a problem with this step, which would simplify matters.
Second, I want to see maternity leave increased to 26 weeks in the budget. I have asked for this before and it is in line with what is happening throughout Europe. We can afford to and should do so.
The third point is that we do not have paid parental leave. Senator Cox shares my views on this subject. I am sure she will vote with this side of the House by supporting our motion. There should be paid parental leave for 26 weeks.
Fourth, there should be universal access for all three year olds. It is interesting to note that the OECD report makes great play of the solid level of support in Ireland for four to six year olds. The reason that Ireland differs from many other countries in this respect is that the Irish primary school system begins at four years of age. This is despite the attempt of a previous Government in 1981 to eliminate universal access to primary schools for four year olds. We are now reaping the benefit of its maintenance. Universal access and a free place for all three year olds must be considered.
It is important to provide various places for children, such as learning environments and play groups. Whoever supplies the service should be accredited in some way by an accreditation body. There must be some system of recognition for anything that is done on a commercial basis. Everyone will agree that this would provide reassurance to those who must make choices for their children.
The final issue is to recognise that parents who are not in the workplace outside of the home must also be catered for. A balance must be found and I ask the Minister to consider it.
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The Media and the Death of Liam Lawlor
25/10/05 - On my way home on Saturday night I called into a shop to get the Sunday newspapers. I thought I had seen everything in newspapers but I did not believe the headline when I saw it. I actually thought it was a magazine sending up the Sunday Independent. I just could not believe it. I looked at it, but did not buy it. I found it nauseating. My first thought was not whether it was true or otherwise, but how the family would be hit by it. My second thought was to wonder where standards of journalism had gone and my third was to do with the libel laws. The central character is dead and the other person is not a resident, so neither of them have any comeback. We need to look at this issue and give some teeth in this area.
There is only one way to deal with this matter and that is through punitive measures. There is no way any action will be taken by proprietors against newspapers making money, as long as they continue making money. The way to deal with this is the same as with the licensing laws. A publication found in contravention of the regulations should be closed down for a period or certain number of publications. It should be made feel the pain. This is the only threat that will work.
I agree with the point made by many, including the Taoiseach, that trying to find the lowest common denominator of standards in order to sell newspapers is a race to the bottom. I have seen other examples of this. It is undemocratic and wrong that people’s characters can be taken away in this manner. Senator Norris has said this many times and is proven right again on this issue.
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Ferns Report
20/10/05 - The Ferns report is an issue deserving of discussion in this House. I was sickened by some of the information reported at the weekend. I do not want to trawl through this but aspects of it bothered me. One issue in particular stands out, that of the investigation into one of the most heinous aspects of this case, involving the abuse of eight girls on a church altar. The local gardaí who investigated the priest allegedly responsible believed there was a case to answer and drew up a full report. That report has never been seen since and this raises some questions. Is there a relationship at some level between the Garda and church authorities? The chief officer in question was rewarded by the Pope on his retirement. I do not want to examine the entrails of these matters but I would like a debate to be held with regard to the process that was involved.
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Lawyers and the Residential Instituitions Redress Board(RIRB) Charges
20/10/05 - Yesterday, I raised the issue of regulation of the Law Society and lawyers. Professional bodies may organise themselves through self or outside regulation or by means of an overarching organisation within which bodies, while maintaining the majority of responsibility for regulation, are answerable for their actions, must meet certain conditions and are subject to constant oversight. I would like to meet with the Law Society to learn of its views on this issue and invite other Members to join me in doing so.
I call for a debate on this matter because over the past four or five days, I have been contacted by a number of solicitors. As vice-chairman of the Personal Injuries Assessment Board, I have had many arguments with solicitors over the past two years. Despite that and recent events, I hold their profession in the highest regard. Many people told me they were ashamed that their profession was being dragged down by what they described as a small number of people. Solicitors on the ground want action to be taken. They are locally well regarded and want a proper supervisory authority. We need to get the view of various lawyers to determine how the issued may be addressed.
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Owenmore Fishery
19/10/05 - This matter concerns the Minister’s [Deputy O’Donoghue] own constituency and is one for which responsibility lies in areas other than his Department and outside of Government also but what we need is a little moral support.
This land [Owenmore Fishery] should be expropriated by the State. That beautiful area [Owenmore Fishery] is now for sale. The fishing rights for the six miles of river and the eight lakes are available now for approximately €2.5 million. It is a huge amount of money but as the Minister and I know, this is a community where there is no investment or development. There is no possibility of a factory being built or the development of new undertakings. The development of the angling industry in this area would bring with it various concomitant extras such as gillying, accommodation and food outlets. This is an eco-friendly issue but it is also about community development. I am aware the Minister has taken a strong hand in trying to encourage the south-west fisheries board to take an interest in this. I understand it is prepared to take a decision in principle to support it, and I also understand that Údarás na Gaeltachta is prepared to consider an investment therein.
I ask the Minister to give ministerial support for the idea of a public private partnership. This is not a case of looking for money for nothing. A solid business plan has been drawn up, which I understand has been sent to the Minister’s office, outlining how this can work as a viable industry that will give new life to the area and hope to the people living in the area. It will allow a very eco-friendly business to develop. The area was given an EU award in recent years as a special place of natural beauty.
We must not allow this land to fall back into private hands again. I ask that we facilitate its being given back to the people by way of some of the organs of State investing in it. It is an asset which the State can sell on or whatever in the future. In the meantime, local people in that small community have given a commitment to invest €500,000, and I understand there is a possibility of that figure increasing. It is also my understanding that banks are prepared to come up with a certain amount of money after that. There are four ways this can be approached, therefore - through the banks, the local people, Údarás na Gaeltachta and the fisheries board. In terms of the Department examining this issue, is it possible to develop the sport of angling in that area, which needs an investment also?
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PIAB and the Law Society
19/10/05 - Another issue that has been to the fore over the past week is the relationship between lawyers and the Residential Institutions Redress Board of Ireland. We debated the establishment of the Personal Injuries Assessment Board, PIAB, last year and members should recall the briefing they received from the Law Society and the Bar Council about how we could not trust the PIAB, of which I am vice-chairman, without lawyers. This House correctly took the position that we should offer people the opportunity to engage with the PIAB without recourse to lawyers. Increasing numbers of people are now doing so. The Leader raised a question regarding the PIAB in the House in May 2005. I said on that occasion that the annual report of the PIAB would be ready by now. The board has now processed approximately 500 cases and will make a presentation to the Joint Committee on Enterprise and Small Business tomorrow morning. Its annual report could be discussed by the House.
The PIAB was delivered by the political system and every party can claim some credit for it. The PIAB has proved to be successful but we should remember the importance of the line we took about respecting the position of lawyers without being completely tied in to them. It also raises the issue, which we should discuss in the near future, of whether the regulation of lawyers is carried out appropriately and whether we need another form of regulation or an overarching body.
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Salmon Fisheries
19/10/05 - Rugadh agus tógadh mé i measc iascairí i nDaingean Uí Chúis, which is Dingle in English. I do not like the idea of a buyout, which was the approach taken to the Native Americans and Aborigines - buy them out; put them out of work; put them into reservations; and forget about them. This is not the correct approach. While many different views exist, we need to be realistic. Based on my calculations and what I have heard more salmon were landed after the season this year than during the season. While I might be wrong, somebody must know the answer.
During the summer, I drove through the area where the Acting Chairman, Senator Finucane, lives and I stopped my car in awe close to Glin. I watched two people on a boat ten yards from me with a fine drift net floating along and nobody took any notice of them. While in my boat coming from Dingle to Kilrush I met the Bradán Feasa vessel which was trying to cover the whole area from Dingle to the Aran Islands and back down in one day. It is clear that the elimination of licences will not solve this issue. Some 40 licences are held in County Kerry. If the Minister of State suppressed them tomorrow morning it would change nothing. Many people talking about this subject believe it would make a difference. While I am opposed to it, buying out all the drift net people would not stop them fishing. This is the oldest activity in this island and we need to be realistic about the matter.
I have seen Spanish trawlers in Dingle with a quota of 20 tonnes or 30 tonnes per week and beside them were Irish boats tied up with a quota of 2 tonnes or 3 tonnes per month. It is no wonder the industry is falling apart and it is time we did some rough negotiations with Brussels. This is dealt with in different ways. I do not believe it is an issue of licensing. I do not believe it is just about drift net fishing. I disagree with the point the Minister of State and other speakers made about seals. In Canada no drift net fishing is allowed until sufficient salmon have swum upriver to refresh the stocks and to feed the bears. Seals have always been in our seas and the problem is pollution in the rivers.
Another problem relates to the rivers being considered. The real problem does not lie just in the big rivers like the Shannon, but in the small rivers. I looked at those small rivers in the summer and not only were the levels down by 1.5 m or 2 m in the Shannon, but at points in small rivers where the salmon seek to come upriver, dead salmon were lying in front the dams and weirs. As the river levels are down, the salmon have in some cases only a foot of water in which to propel themselves upriver and they are dying there because nature will not allow them to go back. We need to look at our rivers. Money needs to be invested into restocking the rivers. We should stop drift netting while salmon are coming upriver. We should implement the laws on domestic, farming and commercial pollution and should reconsider drawing off water to fill reservoirs.
We need to consider how to deal with the late run of salmon upriver. We should seek the support of fishermen on land and at sea on the first run to stop drift netting and on the second run to help the salmon go upriver. Some 95% of the salmon returning to a river do not survive, which is nature’s way. They come, lay their eggs and go back downriver. Some 90% to 95% of them never make it back to sea again. They need to be helped and in some cases this means taking the eggs from the salmon and reinserting them in the river.
We do not need the matter dealt with by bureaucrats; it can be dealt with by the fishing people at sea and on land. Heads need to be knocked together. I have made three or four suggestions today which I believe to be more effective in the long term and which fishermen will police themselves as they do in Canada and elsewhere. I would like to hear more from the Minister of State on how countries like Canada deal with the matter. It can be done. We do not need to suppress the fishing industry as we have done too many times before. We do not need to buy out fishermen or put them out of work. We need to consider what is happening in the industry with boats from Spain landing 30 or 40 tonnes of hake and john dory per week while Irish boats remain tied up. This is part of the problem. There is nowhere to go if the licences are suppressed. We need to take a broader look at the matter.
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European Union Statements
13/10/05 - I was in France this year on the day of the referendum on the European constitution. That night I met five people who told me they had voted against the European constitution, which was not surprising. The surprising piece was contained in the next sentence of each of them. Each one of the five was in favour of the European constitution but they all had voted against it for different reasons. There are two lessons to be learned. My history teacher in Dingle long ago always said that the most powerful person in a referendum was the one who wrote out the question, and he was so correct. If the question is wrong, the answer will never be correct.
In future we should hold a series of referenda, not just one referendum on something so complicated. I realise this is a terrible future to behold but if one does not take an aspect of the European constitution — I agree with the point made about calling it a constitution, which it is not, but one may call it what we wishes — and put that part to the people for stated reasons, then we will get a result similar to those received on many occasions. In the past three referenda we got this coalition of extreme right and extreme left. We got people who had nothing in common coming together opposing it and we made it easy for them to do so. We should not do that again. One thing we should do is break down the issues and deal with them one by one.
There are issues about Europe that bother people. The euro has been the greatest success story of the European Union and people like it. The aspect of the European Union that has driven people mad is, as I mentioned here this morning, that we no longer can have local market producers. Such markets exist in every other place in Europe. Every small town in France has such a market where people may sell their own vegetables. Each day in north Dublin people dump the kind of vegetables that are polished up in Provence and presented as being perfect. They would not be allowed on the Dublin market because they do not meet European Union legislation regulations. The position is the same as regards meat, the VRT on cars and credit cards. I cannot get my credit card at the cheapest place in Europe because we are tied by the regulations. Why can I not transfer euro from one country to another without undergoing an extraordinarily difficult, expensive and complex procedure with different banks?
Many Irish people travel abroad two or three times each year. Why must they queue up at customs? Why do we not say goodbye to the British, as we did in the case of the euro, and buy into the Schengen Agreement? The situation is too complex and complicated so we should take the next step and move on. These are some of the steps we could take to make people more at ease and bring forward the principles of the Treaty of Rome, namely, free movement of people, labour and capital.
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Food Industry Debate Request
13/10/05 - I want the Acting Leader to raise the possibility again of having a discussion on the food industry with a particular emphasis on the manner in which it is being treated at a European level. I may take the opportunity to raise this issue, possibly this afternoon. In recent times, I have examined the impact of regulation on the meat industry. I believe we have now reached the point where Ireland is the only country in Europe to find itself under the cosh from extraordinary decisions made at a European level to restrict the development of the food industry. In particular, more than ten years ago the House passed the Abattoirs Act which effectively made it impossible for ordinary butchers to kill livestock raised on their own land and grass. They were obliged to send the livestock elsewhere. While that caused its own difficulties, recently, the problem has become more severe. This is the point on which I seek a discussion.
I have spoken to representatives from the Associated Craft Butchers of Ireland, many of whose members supply local hotels with meat, steaks, etc., which is an example of local businesses developing properly. They have now been informed that for as long as they sell to ordinary customers walking in from the street, they are in the retail sector and consequently must meet a high level of regulation. However, if the butchers start supplying their local hotel, which they have done for centuries or generations, they have entered the wholesale market where a new set of regulations exists to prevent them from developing their business and boosting the local economy. This is an example of what should be discussed.
I could make similar points about vegetables and other sectors which have been affected such as fish, albeit in a different respect to the issues discussed in the House earlier in the week. I seek a discussion on how European regulation has had a negative impact on the development of the Irish food industry.
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Environmental Debate Request
12/10/05 - I asked whether we could debate another matter, namely, where Ireland stands on environmental issues, the Kyoto Agreement, etc. Much of the discussion focuses on the area of oil, the costs to our economy and what we are doing wrong. We must take a positive view in respect of this matter. I would welcome a debate with the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources on his views concerning wind energy, solar energy, wave energy and geothermal heating. I particularly wish to know how these can be made attractive to ordinary householders. Grants were available to householders not too long ago, perhaps sometime during the past 25 years, for making certain improvements to their houses. We could meet many of our Kyoto targets were every house in Ireland to have a 1 kilowatt wind generator, be properly insulated and have some element of solar power. How can we make this attractive and give support? Taking a proactive approach to this issue rather than keeping the debate centred on the cost of oil would save us money in the long term.
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Marino College
12/10/05 - Before the summer recess, the House discussed the developments in Marino College at some length. I have become aware of some disquieting developments in the college over the past month. They entered the public domain today so I thought I should raise the issue. Put simply, the authorities in the Department of Education and Science entered discussions with the authorities in Marino College. They came to a certain level of agreement as to how business should be conducted in the college and how it should be run in the future. This was an accepted and agreed position and on that basis, a member of staff agreed to accept the position as interim college president. However, when it came to establishing that individual’s contract, all the demands and conditions which had been set down by the Department of Education and Science were reversed to such an extent that the person rejected the offer. Two senior members of staff have also resigned on the same basis.
I do not want to open the discussion here but rather wish to give Members a flavour of my concerns. It would be appropriate for the Minister for Education and Science to address the House and bring it, as much as possible, up to date. She now has information she did not previously possess. An investigation was held and many attempts have been made to get this working correctly but there are still difficulties. Public money and students’ careers are involved and we must know where we are going on the issue.
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The Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act
11/10/05 - It is important that we look at this issue in a way that can make a difference for young Irish people in the United States.
It is most important that we say to those people on Capitol Hill who oppose this proposed legislation that every single economy in the world that has had an influx of immigrants has reaped a significant reward and benefit in the following generation. The children of immigrants have always proven to make a significant injection into the economy in which they live. Many young Irish people have arrived in foreign places with an eagerness to contribute and they now find themselves in a position where they cannot obtain driving licences and where simple matters such as banking are almost impossible. The same is true of attending a doctor, providing or gaining a medical history, getting married or obtaining the documentation people need for their daily lives. Life is proving impossible for these undocumented, illegal people in the United States. Difficulties are also encountered when it comes to insurance, particularly medical insurance, and even simple things such as credit cards.
These people are forced into a black economy. They are obliged to enter the shadows and not participate in the everyday work and life of the society in which they live. They are cast as criminals even though they have done nothing illegal in terms of their daily activities. As has already been said, they are paying taxes, adding to productivity and making a serious contribution to the economy of the United States. However, they are unacknowledged, unrecognised, undocumented and invisible within that country’s economy.
Any efforts the Minister makes will be supported by groups on all sides. Perhaps there are not many votes in this and for that reason it reflects well on Irish political life that people from both sides can come together in both Houses to say that they want something done for the individuals in question. We are all aware of families where parents worry every single night about their son or daughter in the United States who does not have the comfort and protection of citizenship, legality, etc. There is also the concern regarding whether they can get treatment if something happens to them. It is unlikely that they can ever come home for family occasions, be they occasions of sorrow or joy. They are effectively in exile.
That is why it is important from our point of view that we look at what is required on Capitol Hill. Is it possible that the State, under the control and authority of the Irish ambassador to Washington, would organise a full briefing of all the people who are worried about this matter on Capitol Hill. They should lobby all the people over there, put the points to them and see what we can give back. Senator Mooney made an important point about some reciprocation in terms of students from the United States coming to Ireland so that there would be flexibility in movement between the two countries. That is something important which should be done. The easiest way for this to be achieved would be if there was no longer any need for Irish people travelling to and from the United States to obtain visas. In this global society, we should be seen as a benign nation and there should be a free movement of labour between both economies. It would not be a significant problem for either side to come to arrangement on this.
It is up to us to show the support of these Houses to Senators McCain, Kennedy and others who have taken an important step to recognise the unrecognised and to give life back to these lost people in the United States’ economy, namely, the illegal Irish immigrants who are marginalised, excluded and vulnerable. They are prevented from participation and it behoves us to do our best for them.
In 1988 I raised in this House the importance of giving emigrants a voice in Irish society. I still believe there is a case for giving a restricted representation for emigrants in the Houses of the Oireachtas. I am not referring to an out-of-control proposal that would suddenly result in Irish emigrants in the United States or United Kingdom running Irish politics or dictating Irish policies. We would establish a line of contact were we to give representation and a voice to Irish emigrants, in this House in particular but perhaps also in the other House. This could and should be done and it would bring us closer to understanding the needs, worries and concerns of those about whom we speak.
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Traffic Management- Clare Street Initiative
11/10/05 - I wish to begin with two anecdotes for the Minister of State. On the northside of Dublin, the N2 comes straight down through Finglas. As the second of the main arteries of Dublin, it arrives at Harte’s Corner where it becomes one lane and shares priority with another road coming from Ballymun. The Minister of State might say that next year the M2 will replace the N2 but that will only treble the problem because it will result in a motorway, rather than a national primary route, coming into one lane at Harte’s Corner. The difference here is that there is no road off the N2. In the case of many other roads into the city traffic is filtered off in one way or another, going west or east, or south or north. The N2 has only one final destination, Glasnevin. There is no road off it. The N2 is not working.
The problem at the city end persists. Standing at Harte’s Corner, one can see where the problem lies. The traffic coming into the city is not prioritised. Traffic should be prioritised until it reaches some place where it can disperse and that is not happening on the N2. I could give the Minister of State plenty more examples.
My second anecdote relates to my visit to Auckland, which has a traffic congestion problem. Each day at noon a huge machine, which looks a little like a snow-plough, goes out along the main road into town and moves the median across one lane. Instead of there being three lanes into the city and one lane out, the machine facilitates the reverse.
I came into the city by public transport this morning. I live on the N2. First, I had to decide what to do with my car because the bus passes a mile and a half from my house and there is no park and ride facility. I said this to the Minister of State a year and a half ago and he agreed one would be a good idea. He has done nothing. There are acres of space between the N2, the M50 and the new M2.There are acres of space where the Minister of State could help out by putting in a park and ride facility at the airport end.
There should be a park and ride facility at all of the main arteries into the city. There is none on the northside. There is none on the Blanchardstown road, there is none on the Navan Road, there is none on the Ashbourne Road and there is none on the airport road. Perhaps there is one in the Minister of State’s constituency - I am not familiar with the coast road. I do not know of any park and ride facility on the Dublin northside.
How can it work? People manage through grace and favour. Many of the public houses on the northside will allow people park their cars there before flagging down a bus in the morning but that will not last much longer. It boils down to the fact that if there is a swift efficient service, people will use it. Such a service is not provided. Many of the problems are not as huge as we are making them out to be. Traffic priority in some places is the issue. Park and ride would be a significant issue, as would ensuring a bus service runs continually up until midnight.
There is the proposal to extend the Metro to Swords, where one could provide a generous sized park and ride facility. Part of the problem with the airport is the result of cars going into it and that will be exacerbated next year when the port tunnel opens because all the trucks will go back up the M50. That will add to the difficulty.
We need what the Taoiseach suggested eight or nine months ago, an outer ring road. I also agree with him on this. Why not just do it? It is clear that we need it. It is only a matter of where to route it, from Drogheda through Slane to Naas, or wherever. It is merely a matter of taking a look at the map. Why are we not moving on this? An outer ring road would take pressure off the M50 in a way that nothing else can, so that traffic travelling routes such as Cork to Belfast, Limerick to Belfast and Galway to Cork could turn off the Dublin road a long way outside the city. That is what we need to do.
The other issue involves the trains. I welcome this morning’s proposal about Kildare. I spoke here in the presence of a Minister in a debate on the national development plan before it was published some seven years ago and we were told the Navan line would be open in no time. They have not even put a spade in the ground. These are the kinds of difficulties we need to look at. I would be delighted to be proven wrong on it but, as far as I know, there has been no work on it. I am sure Senator Wilson would be happy enough, in that we could then talk about extending it from Navan to Cavan. It all is there and it all can be done. There is no reason we cannot look at these matters.
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Corrib Gas Field
06/10/05 - My greatest concern is the safety issue and the fact that the people of Mayo are getting nothing out of the gas find. The people of Belmullet, the town closest to the gas find, and also the other towns mentioned, should get access to the gas and get the value of it. Even if the safety audit finds the gas pipeline to be safe, it should be moved further away from houses. The gas could be brought in along by the river bed. It does not need to come to shore at the point chosen. It could come along the bed of the river which flows into the sea there, or could go further down the bay, away from the houses. That is crucial. It is also crucial that the gas be taken into Ireland. We need it for security of supply among other things.
We should not forget too that there are currently 350 people unemployed in north Mayo because of work on the pipeline being stopped. I am not saying this has anything to do with the safety issue, which is separate. Nothing will ever be 100% safe. As soon as we satisfy ourselves that it is as safe as can be, we should then move the pipeline away from the houses. We should also ensure that Shell complies with the law.
I have never trusted Shell, particularly given what Senator Kitt has said and how Shell operated in Nigeria for years. I have spoken many times about Shell over the years. I do not believe Shell most of the time and, in many ways, the company has bullied the local people. At the same time, however, the local people should recognise what they are up against. They should be clear about their objectives and accept that mediation will only work if both sides agree to move their positions slightly. The issue that unites everybody is safety. Let us get the safety issue dealt with, after which the question of moving the pipeline and other matters can be tackled and the gas can be taken safely onshore.
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Northern Ireland Statements – Post IRA Arms Decommissioning
06/10/05 - The condition of Protestant working class estates is a problem. I recall the pictures of Mo Mowlam visiting the republican section of the Maze and seeing prisoners in their smart suits and well-cut clothes looking clean, tidy and respectable. Then she visited the loyalist side and met men with enhanced muscular development, tattoos and short hair. The difference was striking and will take generations to break down. We need to win trust and confidence among those people. In the loyalist community working class estates are completely cut off from political representation and see no value in politics, no gains to be made from a process from which they are disconnected. This at variance with the republican side who see politics as a way forward.
The point Senator Maurice Hayes made about reconciliation is crucial and is worth focusing on. I have dealt with Northern Ireland all my professional life and could present chapter and verse about the importance of local administration. The Sinn Féin Minister for Education was superb because he was from Northern Ireland and sympathetic to all sides. It was refreshing to deal with a Minister who was rooted in the area.
The Minister (Minister of State, Deputy Kitt) will have been aware from his career as a teacher that in the North they had a policy called education for mutual understanding and cultural heritage. It did not work because the bar was too low. Members of the two communities met twice a year and played a game of soccer. They did not play Gaelic football or cricket. Part of the mutual understanding was that there were lines that were not crossed.
Tolerance was the next big idea and is a fine aspiration. Cardinal Newman said tolerance was the mark of an educated person. However, it does not bring us far enough and does not breach the problem we have created in the North which will take generations to undo. It does not bring us to the reconciliation about which Senator Hayes spoke. Ultimately it means not just giving space to people, but understanding them and being ecumenical. As we have learned from other parts of the world it is not about the space we give each other but the quality of the engagement and interaction between us. That does not happen at present. The day we take down the peace line will be a bigger day than this week.
That is what we need to try to do. Children are born in a Roman Catholic hospital, live in a Roman Catholic housing estate and go to a Roman Catholic school and, after being looked after in a Roman Catholic hospital are buried in a Roman Catholic graveyard. It is the same on the other side. Why can the children of this island not be educated together and follow a common curriculum in their schools? Why can the sash and the shamrock not be in the same history programme? Why can we not celebrate our differences and recognise the importance of such events as the Battle of the Boyne? It is because there is no more stomach for it in the South than in the North. We cannot even have an all-Ireland policy for the Irish language. Instead a partitionist approach exists to which Sinn Féin and the Catholic Church subscribe. The political establishment adopts the same stance. Somebody needs to take the courageous step of bringing these issues together. We should begin with what young people learn in schools.
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Irish Ferries
06/10/05 - I wish to make another request of the Leader that we discuss the Irish Ferries issue. I raised the matter yesterday and later in the afternoon I heard a remarkable statement from IBEC blaming the trade unions for the proposals from Irish Ferries management. That is a bit like blaming Strongbow for coming ashore in 1169 and causing the 30 years of struggle in Northern Ireland. I have also become aware of a more serious proposal emerging from Irish Ferries. It appears that it intends to re-fit its ships and have done a deal to exploit thousands of workers from South America. They are planning to put vents along the sides of their ships, chain the workforce to the car decks, fit them out with oars to save on fuel and pay them in mirrors, bottles of whiskey and tobacco. This will save thousands, if not millions per annum, allow the company to continue in operation and save the economy. We should all look forward to the next dastardly proposal from Irish Ferries. Apparently, the chief executive of IBEC is prepared to sit on top of the pile with his whip to ensure that the Captain Bligh of the Irish economy will get further blood, sweat and tears out of its workforce. We need to discuss what is going on here and the difficulties facing the economy if we allow the management of Irish Ferries to run riot and bring us back not just 20 years, but much farther.
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Irish Ferries
05/10/05 - The Irish Ferries dispute has raised many fundamental issues and I am concerned that we are not seeing the wood for the trees in the matter. Industrial relations only work if everybody takes part in the process; if this does not happen we are in trouble. The last piece of legislation relating to this which was passed and which made the process somewhat voluntary, putting people on their honour, can be ignored. The Labour Court should be given the authority and right to compel people to attend and subpoena people, whether these people represent unions or companies. The people can argue the case when there is so much at stake.
The main issue with the Irish Ferries dispute is that if a similar practice takes off in the economy, we will witness an erosion of standards of living and work that have been won and developed through hard work at all levels, from management to workers and all those in between. Greater wealth was created in this country, it was spread out and standards of living were improved. Even people in this House benefitted from benchmarking and other schemes that came from such a process. The work is about to be usurped. If this happens, every part of the economy will be affected and we will start going backwards. It will be a case of “back to the future”.
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Seanad debates are available in full on the Oireachtas Website
Each speech listed here is an edited speech. If you'd like to see the speech or debate in full, please go to the Oireachtas website and click on "Seanad Eireann" and then "Seanad Debates" and click on the relevant date as listed with each speech on this page.
Ferns Report (26/10/05)
Childcare Services (26/10/05)
The Media and the Death of Liam Lawlor (25/10/05)
Ferns Report (20/10/05)
Lawyers and the Residential Instituitions Redress Board(RIRB) Charges(20/10/05)
Fisheries Protection - Owenmore Fishery, Clahane, Co. Kerry (19/10/05)
PIAB and the Law Society (19/10/05)
Salmon Fisheries (19/10/05)
European Union Statements (13/10/05)
Food Industry Debate Request (13/10/05)
Environmental Debate Request (12/10/05)
Marino College (12/10/05)
"Illegal" Irish - The Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act (11/10/05)
Traffic Management - Clare Street Initiative (11/10/05)
Corrib Gas Field (06/10/05)
Northern Ireland Statements – Post IRA Arms Decommissioning (06/10/05)
Irish Ferries (06/10/05)
Irish Ferries (05/10/05)
Ferns Report
26/10/05 - I know a priest who was editor of a clerical magazine and who was sacked by the hierarchy because, in 1989, he wanted the magazine to introduce a debate on clerical child abuse. For his sins he was cast to the furthest part of west Mayo where he is still a curate. I recall being in the office of the then Minister for Education and the current Leader of the House, Senator O’Rourke, and battling against the pervasive influence of the Knights of St. Columbanus in attempting to secure the introduction of the Stay Safe programme in Irish primary schools.
Following each of the horrible cases in Kilkenny and Mayo, I and my Independent colleagues proposed motions in the House urging the House and the Government to support the concept of mandatory reporting. Our proposals were refused and such reporting has not been introduced. In the 1960s and 1970s the current Pope, as head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, issued an edict of omerta to the Catholic Church authorities in every diocese in Europe advising them how to deal with cases of clerical abuse. They were bound to silence. Such matters would be dealt with through Canon Law. If they broke the silence on the information they received, and it was not received in the confessional, they would be automatically excommunicated. Even victims who broke that silence were threatened with excommunication. What influence or impact did that have in every diocese in this country? This must be examined. It is outrageous that it must be done.
I am grateful Senator Brian Hayes considered this report in detail. I could not do it. I found it nauseating and sickening. I could not cope with one story, in particular. A young child, in the course of preparing for confirmation, was abused by a priest in the confession box. She told her parents and her parents acted immediately by going to the gardaí and the bishop. The matter was investigated. The parents pleaded with the bishop not to allow that priest anywhere near the confirmation ceremony but on the day, the priest swaggered into the church with the bishop by his side. That was appalling.
Two years later that child unfortunately died suddenly. The parents made one request, that the child abuser not officiate at the funeral ceremony. However, he insisted on doing it. Those parents, believing in their faith, had to sit in their church and watch the man who abused their child say prayers over her body before she was consigned to the grave. If it had been my child, I believe I would now be serving time.
Part of me believes that the sooner we discuss this, the better but, on the other hand, perhaps we should wait a little because it is too raw at this stage. We need to know how we should proceed with issues such as Stay Safe programmes, mandatory reporting, the impact of the Catholic Church and the impact of groups such as the Knights of St. Columbanus. That group, apparently, had some impact on why the case I mentioned and eight similar ones that occurred on the altar of that church were not investigated. It is appalling.
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Childcare Services
26/10/05 - All Members can confirm what they hear on the ground concerning childcare in terms of the number of people who cannot afford child care or whose bills and invoices demonstrate that their child care costs are greater than their mortgage repayments. This is a common occurrence at present. I will put six points to the Minister which I will then develop.
The first point, which arises all the time is that one Minister and one Department should be the prime movers in respect of this issue and should deal with this area. The idea whereby responsibility moves between the Departments of Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Health and Children and Education and Science, with one playing against another, does not work. The Minister has informed me, both publically and privately, that he does not have a problem with this step, which would simplify matters.
Second, I want to see maternity leave increased to 26 weeks in the budget. I have asked for this before and it is in line with what is happening throughout Europe. We can afford to and should do so.
The third point is that we do not have paid parental leave. Senator Cox shares my views on this subject. I am sure she will vote with this side of the House by supporting our motion. There should be paid parental leave for 26 weeks.
Fourth, there should be universal access for all three year olds. It is interesting to note that the OECD report makes great play of the solid level of support in Ireland for four to six year olds. The reason that Ireland differs from many other countries in this respect is that the Irish primary school system begins at four years of age. This is despite the attempt of a previous Government in 1981 to eliminate universal access to primary schools for four year olds. We are now reaping the benefit of its maintenance. Universal access and a free place for all three year olds must be considered.
It is important to provide various places for children, such as learning environments and play groups. Whoever supplies the service should be accredited in some way by an accreditation body. There must be some system of recognition for anything that is done on a commercial basis. Everyone will agree that this would provide reassurance to those who must make choices for their children.
The final issue is to recognise that parents who are not in the workplace outside of the home must also be catered for. A balance must be found and I ask the Minister to consider it.
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The Media and the Death of Liam Lawlor
25/10/05 - On my way home on Saturday night I called into a shop to get the Sunday newspapers. I thought I had seen everything in newspapers but I did not believe the headline when I saw it. I actually thought it was a magazine sending up the Sunday Independent. I just could not believe it. I looked at it, but did not buy it. I found it nauseating. My first thought was not whether it was true or otherwise, but how the family would be hit by it. My second thought was to wonder where standards of journalism had gone and my third was to do with the libel laws. The central character is dead and the other person is not a resident, so neither of them have any comeback. We need to look at this issue and give some teeth in this area.
There is only one way to deal with this matter and that is through punitive measures. There is no way any action will be taken by proprietors against newspapers making money, as long as they continue making money. The way to deal with this is the same as with the licensing laws. A publication found in contravention of the regulations should be closed down for a period or certain number of publications. It should be made feel the pain. This is the only threat that will work.
I agree with the point made by many, including the Taoiseach, that trying to find the lowest common denominator of standards in order to sell newspapers is a race to the bottom. I have seen other examples of this. It is undemocratic and wrong that people’s characters can be taken away in this manner. Senator Norris has said this many times and is proven right again on this issue.
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Ferns Report
20/10/05 - The Ferns report is an issue deserving of discussion in this House. I was sickened by some of the information reported at the weekend. I do not want to trawl through this but aspects of it bothered me. One issue in particular stands out, that of the investigation into one of the most heinous aspects of this case, involving the abuse of eight girls on a church altar. The local gardaí who investigated the priest allegedly responsible believed there was a case to answer and drew up a full report. That report has never been seen since and this raises some questions. Is there a relationship at some level between the Garda and church authorities? The chief officer in question was rewarded by the Pope on his retirement. I do not want to examine the entrails of these matters but I would like a debate to be held with regard to the process that was involved.
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Lawyers and the Residential Instituitions Redress Board(RIRB) Charges
20/10/05 - Yesterday, I raised the issue of regulation of the Law Society and lawyers. Professional bodies may organise themselves through self or outside regulation or by means of an overarching organisation within which bodies, while maintaining the majority of responsibility for regulation, are answerable for their actions, must meet certain conditions and are subject to constant oversight. I would like to meet with the Law Society to learn of its views on this issue and invite other Members to join me in doing so.
I call for a debate on this matter because over the past four or five days, I have been contacted by a number of solicitors. As vice-chairman of the Personal Injuries Assessment Board, I have had many arguments with solicitors over the past two years. Despite that and recent events, I hold their profession in the highest regard. Many people told me they were ashamed that their profession was being dragged down by what they described as a small number of people. Solicitors on the ground want action to be taken. They are locally well regarded and want a proper supervisory authority. We need to get the view of various lawyers to determine how the issued may be addressed.
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Owenmore Fishery
19/10/05 - This matter concerns the Minister’s [Deputy O’Donoghue] own constituency and is one for which responsibility lies in areas other than his Department and outside of Government also but what we need is a little moral support.
This land [Owenmore Fishery] should be expropriated by the State. That beautiful area [Owenmore Fishery] is now for sale. The fishing rights for the six miles of river and the eight lakes are available now for approximately €2.5 million. It is a huge amount of money but as the Minister and I know, this is a community where there is no investment or development. There is no possibility of a factory being built or the development of new undertakings. The development of the angling industry in this area would bring with it various concomitant extras such as gillying, accommodation and food outlets. This is an eco-friendly issue but it is also about community development. I am aware the Minister has taken a strong hand in trying to encourage the south-west fisheries board to take an interest in this. I understand it is prepared to take a decision in principle to support it, and I also understand that Údarás na Gaeltachta is prepared to consider an investment therein.
I ask the Minister to give ministerial support for the idea of a public private partnership. This is not a case of looking for money for nothing. A solid business plan has been drawn up, which I understand has been sent to the Minister’s office, outlining how this can work as a viable industry that will give new life to the area and hope to the people living in the area. It will allow a very eco-friendly business to develop. The area was given an EU award in recent years as a special place of natural beauty.
We must not allow this land to fall back into private hands again. I ask that we facilitate its being given back to the people by way of some of the organs of State investing in it. It is an asset which the State can sell on or whatever in the future. In the meantime, local people in that small community have given a commitment to invest €500,000, and I understand there is a possibility of that figure increasing. It is also my understanding that banks are prepared to come up with a certain amount of money after that. There are four ways this can be approached, therefore - through the banks, the local people, Údarás na Gaeltachta and the fisheries board. In terms of the Department examining this issue, is it possible to develop the sport of angling in that area, which needs an investment also?
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PIAB and the Law Society
19/10/05 - Another issue that has been to the fore over the past week is the relationship between lawyers and the Residential Institutions Redress Board of Ireland. We debated the establishment of the Personal Injuries Assessment Board, PIAB, last year and members should recall the briefing they received from the Law Society and the Bar Council about how we could not trust the PIAB, of which I am vice-chairman, without lawyers. This House correctly took the position that we should offer people the opportunity to engage with the PIAB without recourse to lawyers. Increasing numbers of people are now doing so. The Leader raised a question regarding the PIAB in the House in May 2005. I said on that occasion that the annual report of the PIAB would be ready by now. The board has now processed approximately 500 cases and will make a presentation to the Joint Committee on Enterprise and Small Business tomorrow morning. Its annual report could be discussed by the House.
The PIAB was delivered by the political system and every party can claim some credit for it. The PIAB has proved to be successful but we should remember the importance of the line we took about respecting the position of lawyers without being completely tied in to them. It also raises the issue, which we should discuss in the near future, of whether the regulation of lawyers is carried out appropriately and whether we need another form of regulation or an overarching body.
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Salmon Fisheries
19/10/05 - Rugadh agus tógadh mé i measc iascairí i nDaingean Uí Chúis, which is Dingle in English. I do not like the idea of a buyout, which was the approach taken to the Native Americans and Aborigines - buy them out; put them out of work; put them into reservations; and forget about them. This is not the correct approach. While many different views exist, we need to be realistic. Based on my calculations and what I have heard more salmon were landed after the season this year than during the season. While I might be wrong, somebody must know the answer.
During the summer, I drove through the area where the Acting Chairman, Senator Finucane, lives and I stopped my car in awe close to Glin. I watched two people on a boat ten yards from me with a fine drift net floating along and nobody took any notice of them. While in my boat coming from Dingle to Kilrush I met the Bradán Feasa vessel which was trying to cover the whole area from Dingle to the Aran Islands and back down in one day. It is clear that the elimination of licences will not solve this issue. Some 40 licences are held in County Kerry. If the Minister of State suppressed them tomorrow morning it would change nothing. Many people talking about this subject believe it would make a difference. While I am opposed to it, buying out all the drift net people would not stop them fishing. This is the oldest activity in this island and we need to be realistic about the matter.
I have seen Spanish trawlers in Dingle with a quota of 20 tonnes or 30 tonnes per week and beside them were Irish boats tied up with a quota of 2 tonnes or 3 tonnes per month. It is no wonder the industry is falling apart and it is time we did some rough negotiations with Brussels. This is dealt with in different ways. I do not believe it is an issue of licensing. I do not believe it is just about drift net fishing. I disagree with the point the Minister of State and other speakers made about seals. In Canada no drift net fishing is allowed until sufficient salmon have swum upriver to refresh the stocks and to feed the bears. Seals have always been in our seas and the problem is pollution in the rivers.
Another problem relates to the rivers being considered. The real problem does not lie just in the big rivers like the Shannon, but in the small rivers. I looked at those small rivers in the summer and not only were the levels down by 1.5 m or 2 m in the Shannon, but at points in small rivers where the salmon seek to come upriver, dead salmon were lying in front the dams and weirs. As the river levels are down, the salmon have in some cases only a foot of water in which to propel themselves upriver and they are dying there because nature will not allow them to go back. We need to look at our rivers. Money needs to be invested into restocking the rivers. We should stop drift netting while salmon are coming upriver. We should implement the laws on domestic, farming and commercial pollution and should reconsider drawing off water to fill reservoirs.
We need to consider how to deal with the late run of salmon upriver. We should seek the support of fishermen on land and at sea on the first run to stop drift netting and on the second run to help the salmon go upriver. Some 95% of the salmon returning to a river do not survive, which is nature’s way. They come, lay their eggs and go back downriver. Some 90% to 95% of them never make it back to sea again. They need to be helped and in some cases this means taking the eggs from the salmon and reinserting them in the river.
We do not need the matter dealt with by bureaucrats; it can be dealt with by the fishing people at sea and on land. Heads need to be knocked together. I have made three or four suggestions today which I believe to be more effective in the long term and which fishermen will police themselves as they do in Canada and elsewhere. I would like to hear more from the Minister of State on how countries like Canada deal with the matter. It can be done. We do not need to suppress the fishing industry as we have done too many times before. We do not need to buy out fishermen or put them out of work. We need to consider what is happening in the industry with boats from Spain landing 30 or 40 tonnes of hake and john dory per week while Irish boats remain tied up. This is part of the problem. There is nowhere to go if the licences are suppressed. We need to take a broader look at the matter.
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European Union Statements
13/10/05 - I was in France this year on the day of the referendum on the European constitution. That night I met five people who told me they had voted against the European constitution, which was not surprising. The surprising piece was contained in the next sentence of each of them. Each one of the five was in favour of the European constitution but they all had voted against it for different reasons. There are two lessons to be learned. My history teacher in Dingle long ago always said that the most powerful person in a referendum was the one who wrote out the question, and he was so correct. If the question is wrong, the answer will never be correct.
In future we should hold a series of referenda, not just one referendum on something so complicated. I realise this is a terrible future to behold but if one does not take an aspect of the European constitution — I agree with the point made about calling it a constitution, which it is not, but one may call it what we wishes — and put that part to the people for stated reasons, then we will get a result similar to those received on many occasions. In the past three referenda we got this coalition of extreme right and extreme left. We got people who had nothing in common coming together opposing it and we made it easy for them to do so. We should not do that again. One thing we should do is break down the issues and deal with them one by one.
There are issues about Europe that bother people. The euro has been the greatest success story of the European Union and people like it. The aspect of the European Union that has driven people mad is, as I mentioned here this morning, that we no longer can have local market producers. Such markets exist in every other place in Europe. Every small town in France has such a market where people may sell their own vegetables. Each day in north Dublin people dump the kind of vegetables that are polished up in Provence and presented as being perfect. They would not be allowed on the Dublin market because they do not meet European Union legislation regulations. The position is the same as regards meat, the VRT on cars and credit cards. I cannot get my credit card at the cheapest place in Europe because we are tied by the regulations. Why can I not transfer euro from one country to another without undergoing an extraordinarily difficult, expensive and complex procedure with different banks?
Many Irish people travel abroad two or three times each year. Why must they queue up at customs? Why do we not say goodbye to the British, as we did in the case of the euro, and buy into the Schengen Agreement? The situation is too complex and complicated so we should take the next step and move on. These are some of the steps we could take to make people more at ease and bring forward the principles of the Treaty of Rome, namely, free movement of people, labour and capital.
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Food Industry Debate Request
13/10/05 - I want the Acting Leader to raise the possibility again of having a discussion on the food industry with a particular emphasis on the manner in which it is being treated at a European level. I may take the opportunity to raise this issue, possibly this afternoon. In recent times, I have examined the impact of regulation on the meat industry. I believe we have now reached the point where Ireland is the only country in Europe to find itself under the cosh from extraordinary decisions made at a European level to restrict the development of the food industry. In particular, more than ten years ago the House passed the Abattoirs Act which effectively made it impossible for ordinary butchers to kill livestock raised on their own land and grass. They were obliged to send the livestock elsewhere. While that caused its own difficulties, recently, the problem has become more severe. This is the point on which I seek a discussion.
I have spoken to representatives from the Associated Craft Butchers of Ireland, many of whose members supply local hotels with meat, steaks, etc., which is an example of local businesses developing properly. They have now been informed that for as long as they sell to ordinary customers walking in from the street, they are in the retail sector and consequently must meet a high level of regulation. However, if the butchers start supplying their local hotel, which they have done for centuries or generations, they have entered the wholesale market where a new set of regulations exists to prevent them from developing their business and boosting the local economy. This is an example of what should be discussed.
I could make similar points about vegetables and other sectors which have been affected such as fish, albeit in a different respect to the issues discussed in the House earlier in the week. I seek a discussion on how European regulation has had a negative impact on the development of the Irish food industry.
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Environmental Debate Request
12/10/05 - I asked whether we could debate another matter, namely, where Ireland stands on environmental issues, the Kyoto Agreement, etc. Much of the discussion focuses on the area of oil, the costs to our economy and what we are doing wrong. We must take a positive view in respect of this matter. I would welcome a debate with the Minister for Communications, Marine and Natural Resources on his views concerning wind energy, solar energy, wave energy and geothermal heating. I particularly wish to know how these can be made attractive to ordinary householders. Grants were available to householders not too long ago, perhaps sometime during the past 25 years, for making certain improvements to their houses. We could meet many of our Kyoto targets were every house in Ireland to have a 1 kilowatt wind generator, be properly insulated and have some element of solar power. How can we make this attractive and give support? Taking a proactive approach to this issue rather than keeping the debate centred on the cost of oil would save us money in the long term.
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Marino College
12/10/05 - Before the summer recess, the House discussed the developments in Marino College at some length. I have become aware of some disquieting developments in the college over the past month. They entered the public domain today so I thought I should raise the issue. Put simply, the authorities in the Department of Education and Science entered discussions with the authorities in Marino College. They came to a certain level of agreement as to how business should be conducted in the college and how it should be run in the future. This was an accepted and agreed position and on that basis, a member of staff agreed to accept the position as interim college president. However, when it came to establishing that individual’s contract, all the demands and conditions which had been set down by the Department of Education and Science were reversed to such an extent that the person rejected the offer. Two senior members of staff have also resigned on the same basis.
I do not want to open the discussion here but rather wish to give Members a flavour of my concerns. It would be appropriate for the Minister for Education and Science to address the House and bring it, as much as possible, up to date. She now has information she did not previously possess. An investigation was held and many attempts have been made to get this working correctly but there are still difficulties. Public money and students’ careers are involved and we must know where we are going on the issue.
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The Secure America and Orderly Immigration Act
11/10/05 - It is important that we look at this issue in a way that can make a difference for young Irish people in the United States.
It is most important that we say to those people on Capitol Hill who oppose this proposed legislation that every single economy in the world that has had an influx of immigrants has reaped a significant reward and benefit in the following generation. The children of immigrants have always proven to make a significant injection into the economy in which they live. Many young Irish people have arrived in foreign places with an eagerness to contribute and they now find themselves in a position where they cannot obtain driving licences and where simple matters such as banking are almost impossible. The same is true of attending a doctor, providing or gaining a medical history, getting married or obtaining the documentation people need for their daily lives. Life is proving impossible for these undocumented, illegal people in the United States. Difficulties are also encountered when it comes to insurance, particularly medical insurance, and even simple things such as credit cards.
These people are forced into a black economy. They are obliged to enter the shadows and not participate in the everyday work and life of the society in which they live. They are cast as criminals even though they have done nothing illegal in terms of their daily activities. As has already been said, they are paying taxes, adding to productivity and making a serious contribution to the economy of the United States. However, they are unacknowledged, unrecognised, undocumented and invisible within that country’s economy.
Any efforts the Minister makes will be supported by groups on all sides. Perhaps there are not many votes in this and for that reason it reflects well on Irish political life that people from both sides can come together in both Houses to say that they want something done for the individuals in question. We are all aware of families where parents worry every single night about their son or daughter in the United States who does not have the comfort and protection of citizenship, legality, etc. There is also the concern regarding whether they can get treatment if something happens to them. It is unlikely that they can ever come home for family occasions, be they occasions of sorrow or joy. They are effectively in exile.
That is why it is important from our point of view that we look at what is required on Capitol Hill. Is it possible that the State, under the control and authority of the Irish ambassador to Washington, would organise a full briefing of all the people who are worried about this matter on Capitol Hill. They should lobby all the people over there, put the points to them and see what we can give back. Senator Mooney made an important point about some reciprocation in terms of students from the United States coming to Ireland so that there would be flexibility in movement between the two countries. That is something important which should be done. The easiest way for this to be achieved would be if there was no longer any need for Irish people travelling to and from the United States to obtain visas. In this global society, we should be seen as a benign nation and there should be a free movement of labour between both economies. It would not be a significant problem for either side to come to arrangement on this.
It is up to us to show the support of these Houses to Senators McCain, Kennedy and others who have taken an important step to recognise the unrecognised and to give life back to these lost people in the United States’ economy, namely, the illegal Irish immigrants who are marginalised, excluded and vulnerable. They are prevented from participation and it behoves us to do our best for them.
In 1988 I raised in this House the importance of giving emigrants a voice in Irish society. I still believe there is a case for giving a restricted representation for emigrants in the Houses of the Oireachtas. I am not referring to an out-of-control proposal that would suddenly result in Irish emigrants in the United States or United Kingdom running Irish politics or dictating Irish policies. We would establish a line of contact were we to give representation and a voice to Irish emigrants, in this House in particular but perhaps also in the other House. This could and should be done and it would bring us closer to understanding the needs, worries and concerns of those about whom we speak.
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Traffic Management- Clare Street Initiative
11/10/05 - I wish to begin with two anecdotes for the Minister of State. On the northside of Dublin, the N2 comes straight down through Finglas. As the second of the main arteries of Dublin, it arrives at Harte’s Corner where it becomes one lane and shares priority with another road coming from Ballymun. The Minister of State might say that next year the M2 will replace the N2 but that will only treble the problem because it will result in a motorway, rather than a national primary route, coming into one lane at Harte’s Corner. The difference here is that there is no road off the N2. In the case of many other roads into the city traffic is filtered off in one way or another, going west or east, or south or north. The N2 has only one final destination, Glasnevin. There is no road off it. The N2 is not working.
The problem at the city end persists. Standing at Harte’s Corner, one can see where the problem lies. The traffic coming into the city is not prioritised. Traffic should be prioritised until it reaches some place where it can disperse and that is not happening on the N2. I could give the Minister of State plenty more examples.
My second anecdote relates to my visit to Auckland, which has a traffic congestion problem. Each day at noon a huge machine, which looks a little like a snow-plough, goes out along the main road into town and moves the median across one lane. Instead of there being three lanes into the city and one lane out, the machine facilitates the reverse.
I came into the city by public transport this morning. I live on the N2. First, I had to decide what to do with my car because the bus passes a mile and a half from my house and there is no park and ride facility. I said this to the Minister of State a year and a half ago and he agreed one would be a good idea. He has done nothing. There are acres of space between the N2, the M50 and the new M2.There are acres of space where the Minister of State could help out by putting in a park and ride facility at the airport end.
There should be a park and ride facility at all of the main arteries into the city. There is none on the northside. There is none on the Blanchardstown road, there is none on the Navan Road, there is none on the Ashbourne Road and there is none on the airport road. Perhaps there is one in the Minister of State’s constituency - I am not familiar with the coast road. I do not know of any park and ride facility on the Dublin northside.
How can it work? People manage through grace and favour. Many of the public houses on the northside will allow people park their cars there before flagging down a bus in the morning but that will not last much longer. It boils down to the fact that if there is a swift efficient service, people will use it. Such a service is not provided. Many of the problems are not as huge as we are making them out to be. Traffic priority in some places is the issue. Park and ride would be a significant issue, as would ensuring a bus service runs continually up until midnight.
There is the proposal to extend the Metro to Swords, where one could provide a generous sized park and ride facility. Part of the problem with the airport is the result of cars going into it and that will be exacerbated next year when the port tunnel opens because all the trucks will go back up the M50. That will add to the difficulty.
We need what the Taoiseach suggested eight or nine months ago, an outer ring road. I also agree with him on this. Why not just do it? It is clear that we need it. It is only a matter of where to route it, from Drogheda through Slane to Naas, or wherever. It is merely a matter of taking a look at the map. Why are we not moving on this? An outer ring road would take pressure off the M50 in a way that nothing else can, so that traffic travelling routes such as Cork to Belfast, Limerick to Belfast and Galway to Cork could turn off the Dublin road a long way outside the city. That is what we need to do.
The other issue involves the trains. I welcome this morning’s proposal about Kildare. I spoke here in the presence of a Minister in a debate on the national development plan before it was published some seven years ago and we were told the Navan line would be open in no time. They have not even put a spade in the ground. These are the kinds of difficulties we need to look at. I would be delighted to be proven wrong on it but, as far as I know, there has been no work on it. I am sure Senator Wilson would be happy enough, in that we could then talk about extending it from Navan to Cavan. It all is there and it all can be done. There is no reason we cannot look at these matters.
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Corrib Gas Field
06/10/05 - My greatest concern is the safety issue and the fact that the people of Mayo are getting nothing out of the gas find. The people of Belmullet, the town closest to the gas find, and also the other towns mentioned, should get access to the gas and get the value of it. Even if the safety audit finds the gas pipeline to be safe, it should be moved further away from houses. The gas could be brought in along by the river bed. It does not need to come to shore at the point chosen. It could come along the bed of the river which flows into the sea there, or could go further down the bay, away from the houses. That is crucial. It is also crucial that the gas be taken into Ireland. We need it for security of supply among other things.
We should not forget too that there are currently 350 people unemployed in north Mayo because of work on the pipeline being stopped. I am not saying this has anything to do with the safety issue, which is separate. Nothing will ever be 100% safe. As soon as we satisfy ourselves that it is as safe as can be, we should then move the pipeline away from the houses. We should also ensure that Shell complies with the law.
I have never trusted Shell, particularly given what Senator Kitt has said and how Shell operated in Nigeria for years. I have spoken many times about Shell over the years. I do not believe Shell most of the time and, in many ways, the company has bullied the local people. At the same time, however, the local people should recognise what they are up against. They should be clear about their objectives and accept that mediation will only work if both sides agree to move their positions slightly. The issue that unites everybody is safety. Let us get the safety issue dealt with, after which the question of moving the pipeline and other matters can be tackled and the gas can be taken safely onshore.
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Northern Ireland Statements – Post IRA Arms Decommissioning
06/10/05 - The condition of Protestant working class estates is a problem. I recall the pictures of Mo Mowlam visiting the republican section of the Maze and seeing prisoners in their smart suits and well-cut clothes looking clean, tidy and respectable. Then she visited the loyalist side and met men with enhanced muscular development, tattoos and short hair. The difference was striking and will take generations to break down. We need to win trust and confidence among those people. In the loyalist community working class estates are completely cut off from political representation and see no value in politics, no gains to be made from a process from which they are disconnected. This at variance with the republican side who see politics as a way forward.
The point Senator Maurice Hayes made about reconciliation is crucial and is worth focusing on. I have dealt with Northern Ireland all my professional life and could present chapter and verse about the importance of local administration. The Sinn Féin Minister for Education was superb because he was from Northern Ireland and sympathetic to all sides. It was refreshing to deal with a Minister who was rooted in the area.
The Minister (Minister of State, Deputy Kitt) will have been aware from his career as a teacher that in the North they had a policy called education for mutual understanding and cultural heritage. It did not work because the bar was too low. Members of the two communities met twice a year and played a game of soccer. They did not play Gaelic football or cricket. Part of the mutual understanding was that there were lines that were not crossed.
Tolerance was the next big idea and is a fine aspiration. Cardinal Newman said tolerance was the mark of an educated person. However, it does not bring us far enough and does not breach the problem we have created in the North which will take generations to undo. It does not bring us to the reconciliation about which Senator Hayes spoke. Ultimately it means not just giving space to people, but understanding them and being ecumenical. As we have learned from other parts of the world it is not about the space we give each other but the quality of the engagement and interaction between us. That does not happen at present. The day we take down the peace line will be a bigger day than this week.
That is what we need to try to do. Children are born in a Roman Catholic hospital, live in a Roman Catholic housing estate and go to a Roman Catholic school and, after being looked after in a Roman Catholic hospital are buried in a Roman Catholic graveyard. It is the same on the other side. Why can the children of this island not be educated together and follow a common curriculum in their schools? Why can the sash and the shamrock not be in the same history programme? Why can we not celebrate our differences and recognise the importance of such events as the Battle of the Boyne? It is because there is no more stomach for it in the South than in the North. We cannot even have an all-Ireland policy for the Irish language. Instead a partitionist approach exists to which Sinn Féin and the Catholic Church subscribe. The political establishment adopts the same stance. Somebody needs to take the courageous step of bringing these issues together. We should begin with what young people learn in schools.
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Irish Ferries
06/10/05 - I wish to make another request of the Leader that we discuss the Irish Ferries issue. I raised the matter yesterday and later in the afternoon I heard a remarkable statement from IBEC blaming the trade unions for the proposals from Irish Ferries management. That is a bit like blaming Strongbow for coming ashore in 1169 and causing the 30 years of struggle in Northern Ireland. I have also become aware of a more serious proposal emerging from Irish Ferries. It appears that it intends to re-fit its ships and have done a deal to exploit thousands of workers from South America. They are planning to put vents along the sides of their ships, chain the workforce to the car decks, fit them out with oars to save on fuel and pay them in mirrors, bottles of whiskey and tobacco. This will save thousands, if not millions per annum, allow the company to continue in operation and save the economy. We should all look forward to the next dastardly proposal from Irish Ferries. Apparently, the chief executive of IBEC is prepared to sit on top of the pile with his whip to ensure that the Captain Bligh of the Irish economy will get further blood, sweat and tears out of its workforce. We need to discuss what is going on here and the difficulties facing the economy if we allow the management of Irish Ferries to run riot and bring us back not just 20 years, but much farther.
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Irish Ferries
05/10/05 - The Irish Ferries dispute has raised many fundamental issues and I am concerned that we are not seeing the wood for the trees in the matter. Industrial relations only work if everybody takes part in the process; if this does not happen we are in trouble. The last piece of legislation relating to this which was passed and which made the process somewhat voluntary, putting people on their honour, can be ignored. The Labour Court should be given the authority and right to compel people to attend and subpoena people, whether these people represent unions or companies. The people can argue the case when there is so much at stake.
The main issue with the Irish Ferries dispute is that if a similar practice takes off in the economy, we will witness an erosion of standards of living and work that have been won and developed through hard work at all levels, from management to workers and all those in between. Greater wealth was created in this country, it was spread out and standards of living were improved. Even people in this House benefitted from benchmarking and other schemes that came from such a process. The work is about to be usurped. If this happens, every part of the economy will be affected and we will start going backwards. It will be a case of “back to the future”.
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